The Subject and Meduium That Was Used in the Last Judgment Art
journal article
Artibus et Historiae
, pp. 55-89 (35 pages)
Published Past: IRSA s.c.
https://www. jstor .org/stable/1483563
The Sack of Rome (1527) caused unimaginable human suffering and material damage. More serious for the Roman Church was the profanation of the city at the hands of an army that, though serving a Catholic monarch, included a substantial Lutheran chemical element, which perpetrated a systematic assault on relics and sacred images. Beyond the restoration of the physical material of Rome, the Church'south response to the Sack involved the visible resanctification of the metropolis as an encyclopedic representation of a transcendent order. This required a profound confrontation with the sharpening scruples of reformers virtually pilgrimage cults and the use of images in worship. The Sistine "Terminal Judgement" (1534-41), as rethought by Michelangelo during the early years of Paul III, constitutes a key instrument of such a response. The pick and positioning of major figures in the painting advise a diagrammatic image of Roman sacred topography. The few identifiable saints relate to the Church's pastoral part and institutions of welfare at a fourth dimension of deepening need in the city (i important response was the early ministry of Ignatius of Loyola, in Rome from 1537). The emphasis on patron saints of key Roman industries/crafts is consistent with the importance of artisan confraternities in the Church-sponsored evolution of popular religiosity at Rome; this may resonate with the unprecedented and paradoxical treatment of the saints' attributes every bit instruments of martyrdom actively wielded past the saints themselves. This as well relates to the Church's response to Lutheranism, specifically the revaluation of labor and the workaday world. Michelangelo's painting, finally, occasioned a violent fence nearly religious imagery; in part it vicious victim to it. The fence is anticipated in the painting itself, which gives prominence to saints, notably Bartholomew, who perished for their assault on image worship. Such iconoclastic associations are related to the key paradox of the painting; the coexistence of conspicuous fictive elements (non merely the much critized Dantesque figures) and devices that deny the factivity of the piece of work. This, finally, leads to the problem of the celebrated skin displayed past St. Bartholomew. It is not his own pare, simply a mere simulacrum, its sign graphic symbol frankly manifested. This is its official aspect; more personally, the features of Michelangelo on the skin resonate with his poetic expressions of dubiousness about the value of his art, as if to deflect or even expiate criticism of artistic hubris in the face of the atrocious second coming of Christ as universal judge.
Artibus et Historiae publishes articles on fine art history research in its broadest sense, including film, photography as well as other areas of art continued with visual expression. The journal particularly encourages interdisciplinary research on art and problems on the borders of art history and other humanistic disciplines. Special emphasis is put on research dealing with the interrelationship betwixt various arts - painting, architecture, sculpture - and on iconography. We welcome works which are unconventional from a methodological viewpoint and that involve new, scientifically justified conceptions. At the same time, art history as an academic discipline is the ground and point of reference for the papers published in Artibus et Historiae. Artibus et Historiae appears semi-yearly. The articles are published in: Italian, German, English language or French, depending on the writer'due south preference.
IRSA (Istituto per le Ricerche di Storia dell'Arte), was established by Dr. Jozef Grabski in 1979 as a research institute and publishing house subsidiary to the new art periodical, Artibus et Historiae. Jozef Grabski, then a immature art historian and research student at Vienna University and at Florence's Fondazione Roberto Longhi, managed to enlist the cooperation of art historians of international repute, including Andre Chastel, Giuliano Briganti, Rene Huyghe, Carlo del Bravo, Everett Fahy, Hermann Fillitz and Konrad Oberhuber, for the new plant and its publication. IRSA was initially based in Venice (1979 - 1982), then moved to Florence and Vienna, and finally to Cracow (Poland) in 1996, where the semi-yearly art journal Artibus et Historiae is currently published.
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Source: https://www.jstor.org/stable/1483563
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